Ira Basen is a Toronto-based radio documentary producer and author.
On the afternoon of Thursday, May 18, 1922, a few dozen individuals filed into the Victoria Memorial Museum on McCleod Street in Ottawa. The event was a gathering of the Historic Landmarks Association, a corporation based in 1907, and devoted to gathering and disseminating details about Canada’s constructed and pure heritage.
The president of the HLA was Lawrence Burpee, a profession civil servant with an abiding curiosity in historical past. When Burpee rose to provide his presidential handle, he shocked the assembled members of the affiliation by proposing that the group broaden its scope past landmarks and monuments to incorporate historic analysis and the publication of historic research. And he advised it change its identify to the Canadian Historical Association.
The aim was to encourage “intelligent public interest in the history of our country,” however Burpee had one other goal in thoughts. Canada in 1922 had solely just lately emerged from a extremely divisive battle over conscription in the First World War, and relations between French and English have been at a low ebb. The new group, Burpee insisted, would “associate itself with other patriotic agencies in bringing into more perfect harmony the two great races that constitutes the Canadian people.”
Today, the CHA has about 750 members, largely graduate college students, archivists, and mid-career professors of Canadian historical past at universities throughout the nation. And because the Nineties, the group has been dominated by social historians; individuals finding out problems with race, class and gender, whose politics typically lean towards the progressive aspect of the political spectrum. Political, diplomatic and army historians, who as soon as dominated the CHA, have all however disappeared from its ranks.
Although solely a fraction {of professional} historians in Canada are members, the CHA boasts that it is the “only organization representing the interests of all historians in Canada” (italics theirs).
But because the CHA celebrates its centenary yr, the nation is going through one other disaster of disharmony; not between French and English, however between Indigenous peoples and people who got here later. And prefer it did in 1922, the Canadian Historical Association is attempting to play its half in reconciliation.
Since the discharge of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s ultimate report in 2015, the CHA has labored to confront the generations of Canadian historians who’ve written the nation’s historical past as a triumphant narrative from colony to nation, whereas largely ignoring the influence that very same historical past had on Indigenous peoples.
But that effort has cut up the neighborhood {of professional} historians in Canada, pitting the CHA in opposition to among the nation’s most distinguished practitioners.
Offering up completely different interpretations of past occasions is what historic inquiry is all about. But this battle has been unusually nasty and private, partly as a result of what’s at stake is so essential.
History is the tales {that a} individuals inform about themselves. This battle is about who will inform the story of Canada in the context of reconciliation, and what that story shall be.
At the CHA annual assembly in Regina in 2018, delegates overwhelmingly voted to alter the identify of the award given to the yr’s greatest e book in Canadian historical past from the John A. Macdonald prize to the CHA prize.
Jim Miller, a extremely revered emeritus professor of historical past on the University of Saskatchewan who specializes in what he calls “Native-newcomer relations,” was outraged. A CHA member because the Nineteen Sixties, and a president of the group in the Nineties, he let his membership lapse after the choice. He hasn’t come again. “I didn’t want to belong to an organization of historians who didn’t know their history very well,” Dr. Miller mentioned in a latest interview.
He was offended that the delegates did not steadiness the great that Macdonald did with among the extra dangerous penalties of his insurance policies. “I thought, well, man, if you’re an historian, and you can’t draw a better balance than that, I think there’s a problem.”
Undeterred by that criticism, on Canada Day 2021, the CHA boldly addressed the question of whether or not Canada’s therapy of Indigenous peoples should correctly be labelled a genocide. Just weeks after stories of unmarked graves on the location of a former residential college in Kamloops, the reply from the CHA was a definitive sure.
“We maintain that genocidal intent has been amply established in the historical scholarship and by the words of policy-makers at the time,” the assertion asserted. It went on to say there was a “broad consensus” amongst historic specialists on this level, and it criticized historians whose failure to acknowledge the genocide has “contributed in lasting and tangible ways to the Canadian refusal to come to grips with this country’s history of colonization and dispossession.”
“I was appalled,” Dr. Miller says.
While Dr. Miller believes Canada’s therapy of Indigenous peoples quantities to a “cultural genocide,” he doesn’t consider it conforms to the United Nations’ definition of genocide, correct. The CHA says it does. That definition states {that a} genocide have to be accompanied by the “intent to destroy.”
“I’ve studied Canadian government policy toward Indigenous people for getting close to 40 years now and I can’t point to any proof of intention to destroy,” Dr. Miller says. What “stuck in my craw most,” he provides, “was the assertion that there was a consensus, that the evidence was overwhelming … and it’s just nonsense.”
Steven High, a historian at Concordia University and the president of the CHA, says the assertion was written with enter from main Indigenous students, all of whom agreed with the characterization of genocide. “This was not a statement that came out of nowhere,” he says. “It came out of years and years of research and conversations and conferences. It was the culmination of an academic process.”
A number of days after the CHA assertion was launched, Jim Miller obtained an e-mail from Christopher Dummitt, a political and cultural historian at Trent University. Dr. Dummitt had written the primary draft of an open letter that he wished to flow into amongst Canadian historians condemning the CHA assertion.
The letter fastidiously averted the contentious concern of genocide and targeted as an alternative on the declare of a “broad consensus” amongst Canadian historians. “By pretending there is only one interpretation, the directors of the CHA are insulting and dismissing the scholars who have arrived at a different assessment,” Dr. Dummitt wrote. “They are presenting the Canadian public with a purported ‘consensus’ that does not exist.”
In an interview, Dr. Dummitt argued that the CHA assertion was extra about activism than good scholarship and believes it would have a chilling impact on historic inquiry. “If you’re a graduate student and want to study this, you would be crazy to disagree with the statement.”
Within a number of weeks, 53 historians had signed the open letter. They have been overwhelmingly white and male. Most have been retired, many had as soon as belonged to the CHA, however solely 5 of the signatories have been nonetheless members. With the exception of Jim Miller and a handful of others, none have been specialists in Indigenous historical past.
The open letter was printed on Christopher Dummitt’s web site on Aug. 9. Three days later, it was posted on the web site of The Dorchester Review underneath the headline “Historians Rally vs. ‘Genocide’ Myth.” The headline was each intentionally provocative and deceptive – solely per how the Review covers Indigenous points.
The Dorchester Review prides itself on that includes historic articles and commentary “that fail to conform to a stridently progressivist narrative.” Over the past few years, it has posted a sequence of inflammatory articles and tweets aggressively calling into question the horrific circumstances at residential colleges in addition to the existence of mass graves, and denying Canada was responsible of genocide of any selection.
The editor of The Review is C.P. Champion, a former curriculum adviser to the Alberta authorities of Jason Kenney who has labelled the push for extra Indigenous content material in colleges a “pedagogical fad.” Mr. Champion was one of many signatories to the open letter.
On Aug. 13, one other open letter appeared, this time on an Indigenous historical past web site known as Shekon Neechie. Written by Indigenous and Métis historians at a number of Canadian universities, it described the letter signed by the 53 historians as an “erroneous and anti-intellectual polemic.” They asserted that difficult using the phrase genocide “while Indigenous communities across the country are raw and grieving” was “blind, callous and unethical.”
The battle was on, and 9 months later, there are few indicators that both aspect is searching for a ceasefire.
The roots of this present battle return a number of a long time.
If you have been knowledgeable historian in, say, the Nineteen Sixties, you doubtless targeted totally on politics, diplomacy and battle. You would spend limitless hours in libraries and archives sifting by way of official paperwork, non-public papers and newspaper accounts. You may need argued about how these data should be interpreted, however there was widespread settlement on which sources and which historic actors should be taken critically.
The practitioners in these days have been overwhelmingly white and male, and so have been the individuals they studied.
That started to alter in the Seventies and 80s as extra ladies and non-white students started to search out their place in college historical past departments. They requested completely different questions and used completely different sources. They instructed tales about individuals who had lengthy been on the margins of historical past, individuals whose papers weren’t neatly saved on library cabinets. This form of social historical past was dubbed “history from below,” and plenty of old-guard historians took exception.
In 1998, J.L. Granatstein of York University, one of many nation’s main political and army historians, printed a fiery polemic titled Who Killed Canadian History? in which he decried the pattern towards “narrow social history topics such as regionalism, women’s issues, multiculturalism, and native history,” on the expense of wider, extra sturdy, nation-building political and army histories.
Today, Dr. Granatstein is an emeritus professor at York, and one of many signatories of the letter protesting the Canada Day assertion. He fears that historians are re-examining our colonial past primarily based on their very own prejudices, moderately than a cautious examination of the proof.
Of course, social historians do study proof, however it’s not at all times the form of written proof that old-school historians similar to Dr. Granatstein maintain pricey. In a strong handle to the CHA assembly in 1994, the group’s then-president, Victoria Strong-Boag, a pioneering ladies’s historian, urged the viewers to broaden their vary of sources. “Our conventional preoccupation with the written word … can do brutal disservice to the truth,” she warned. “It is too easy to be paralyzed by print’s power to counterfeit human life.”
Different sources will invariably yield completely different outcomes. Jim Miller has spent 40 years poring over authorities and church paperwork and has discovered no proof of “genocidal intent.” Other historians, relying largely on unwritten proof from Indigenous communities, have concluded that there was.
Allyson Stevenson, a professor of Métis research on the University of Saskatchewan and a member of the CHA governing council, believes you may’t perceive the complete historical past of treaty relationships between First Nations and newcomers with out oral historical past. “Indigenous elders and historians have demonstrated that oral narratives contain essential aspects of historical events,” she says.
This newest iteration of the Canadian historical past wars differs from the sooner model in two essential methods; its preoccupation with Indigenous historical past, and the central role now being performed by Indigenous students.
The variety of tenured or tenure-track First Nations and Métis students in Canadian college historical past departments has gone from only one in 2001 to a couple of dozen right this moment. And they’re beginning to make a distinction, based on Mary Jane McCallum, a historical past professor on the University of Winnipeg, and a member of the Shekon Neechie board. “This means that we can make a dent in conversations that are being heard both inside and outside of our more local intellectual and Indigenous communities.”
The CHA’s Canada Day assertion will be seen as a altering of the guard relating to who will get to inform Indigenous tales in Canada. Nearly half of members of the CHA governing council are Indigenous historians, together with the previous analysis director for the National Inquiry into Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women and Girls.
That’s why Dr. High is snug proclaiming a “broad consensus” amongst historic specialists. He is fast to level out that the overwhelming majority of his critics haven’t any experience in this space. “I think there’s something wrong about non-Indigenous people debating amongst themselves about how many people have died. I think that’s problematic.”
It’s not exhausting to grasp why, after practically 200 years of getting different individuals inform their story, Indigenous historians need to write their very own narrative.
It’s additionally not exhausting to grasp why the old-fashioned is feeling defensive – and why some non-Indigenous historians really feel the CHA is prematurely shutting down debate on a vital and contentious matter. But these historians do themselves no favours by associating themselves with publications that mock residential-school survivors and deny their tales.
The Indigenous historians whose open letter appeared in Shekon Neechie argue that this is not an applicable time to be debating genocide whereas the ache of residential colleges is nonetheless being felt so acutely. That might make sense in the context of reconciliation, however does it make sense in the context of the seek for historic truths?
Christopher Dummitt doesn’t assume so. He believes that by committing to reconciliation, historians threat shedding the complexity of the past. “The commitment to reconciliation over truth, or instead of truth, negates what historians are supposed to do.”
But the “truth” that historians search is not often an absolute reality. It is much more prone to be an interpretation of the past, knowledgeable by their very own biases and the preoccupations of the time.
Applying an Indigenous lens to Canadian historical past will change these interpretations. Asking completely different questions and counting on sources that historians have lengthy ignored will invariably imply the tales we now have instructed ourselves about our past will must be reconsidered. And that is by no means straightforward.
We noticed that in the controversy over the CHA’s elimination of John A. Macdonald’s identify from its e book prize, and extra just lately in the choice by Ryerson University (now Toronto Metropolitan University) to alter its identify over issues about Egerton Ryerson’s connection to the residential-school system.
Ryerson had a fancy relationship with Indigenous individuals, and his legacy stays a topic of fierce debate amongst historians. Many consider that, as with Macdonald, the positives outweigh the negatives. Ryerson wasn’t alive when the residential-school system was created, so how can he be held answerable for it?
But Catherine Ellis rejects this sort of balance-sheet method, calling it “simplistic and ahistorical.” She’s a professor of historical past at what is now Toronto Metropolitan University, and was the co-chair of the Standing Strong job power that really helpful renaming the college.
She says the job of the duty power was to not put Egerton Ryerson on trial and ship a verdict, however to look at the totality of his historic legacy. She believes the optimistic narrative that has lengthy dominated historic accounts of Egerton Ryerson was largely a product of a “Western colonial structure” of historical past that was primarily based on the premise that “imperialism was politically and morally legitimate.” Remove that premise, and the narrative can shortly change.
Egerton Ryerson by no means stood an opportunity.
Steven High doesn’t anticipate there shall be a lot discuss in regards to the Canada Day assertion when CHA members collect just about this week to rejoice the group’s one-hundredth anniversary. There could also be divisions inside Canada’s historic neighborhood, however there look like none inside the CHA.
Dr. High says the CHA gained roughly 100 members in the six weeks following the assertion’s launch, and he’d welcome the 48 non-members who signed the open letter into the group to proceed the controversy from contained in the tent.
Christopher Dummitt says he wish to see an announcement from the CHA subsequent Canada Day that affirms their sturdy dedication to viewpoint variety and educational freedom.
Neither of these issues are prone to occur. The neighborhood {of professional} historians is small, and this debate has turn into nearly as a lot private grievance as skilled disagreement. These wounds shall be gradual to heal.
Placing Indigenous individuals on the core of our nationwide narrative was by no means going to be straightforward. Insisting that genocide be a part of that narrative makes the duty much more tough. Canadians will must be satisfied that our story must be rewritten to incorporate some very harsh realities. Historians declaring that the question is already settled might not have been one of the best place to start out.
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Opinion: The past is current: What role should Canada’s historians play in reconciliation? The question has proved surprisingly controversial & More Latest News Update
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