Most in Northern Ireland have by now both seen the video or heard about it. The clip, which emerged final week, reveals a gaggle of males singing a music mocking Michaela McAreavey – a 27-year-old schoolteacher murdered on her honeymoon – throughout a celebration in an Orange corridor.
Above them is purple, white and blue bunting, whereas the desk in entrance of them is plagued by empty beer cans; a few of these round them clap and cheer whereas others merely proceed with their night, apparently oblivious to the phrases being shouted out round them.
“This is what happens when sectarianism is the basis of your society,” says Prof Duncan Morrow of Ulster University and the writer of the newest main research into sectarianism in Northern Ireland.
“In any other normal world, this would be just absurd and aggressive and violent and absolutely not permissible, but within a sectarian world, at least in certain circles, [it] has a permission,” he says.
“Anything that gets at the ‘other side’ has a permission, including somebody who was killed in Mauritius on her honeymoon.
“At the extreme, that’s what becomes acceptable, and nobody in the room stopped it.”
The outcry got here later, after it had been shared on-line; it was reported to the police, and inside lower than 24 hours two males had recognized themselves as concerned within the “singing of an offensive, vile and wholly abhorrent chant” which was, they stated, “a matter of deep shame and regret”.
A police investigation is ongoing, with a file to be despatched to prosecutors in “due course”; people have been sacked or are underneath investigation by their employers and by the Orange Order; different relationships have been summarily ended, corresponding to that of Belfast-based soccer membership Linfield with considered one of its voluntary coaches.
‘Unbelievable’
“When it’s looked at in the light of day,” says Prof Morrow, “everybody draws back and everybody goes, that’s unbelievable. But in too many places you’re still so kind of swimming in the water that you’d hardly notice it.
“When do you stop thinking this is normal? The only reason that stops, apart from the law and somebody intervening – which of course may be what has to happen – is that people stop thinking this is okay.”
This is the query thrown as soon as once more into the highlight by this newest controversy: the right way to sort out the “latent” sectarianism which persists in Northern Ireland, as Prof Morrow wrote in 2019, “despite strenuous and continuing efforts on the part of government, voluntary organisations and others to deal with its many manifestations”.
The stark conclusion to that report, Sectarianism in Northern Ireland: a Review, was that greater than 20 years after the Belfast Agreement, “we now have to ask if the capability exists to provide solutions to these problems or whether we must simply hope that with the passage of time they will somehow just go away”.
Three years on – although admittedly with two of these dominated by the Covid-19 pandemic – that query stays as related as ever. Can sectarianism be handled, and the way to take action in a society wherein sectarianism is so “very deeply embedded” that, as Morrow places it, “division has become part of how people describe themselves in terms of identity … [and] we have structured our society along this basis”.
This extends to not simply to the tradition, politics and the system of governance within the North, however to segregation in lots of areas of life, not least schooling and housing.
According to evaluation final 12 months of Department of Education information by the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (NICIE), solely about 15 per cent of colleges within the North had a minimum of 10 per cent of pupils from each Catholic and Protestant backgrounds.
‘Totally sectarianised’
“Our whole system is totally sectarianised,” says Linda Ervine. “We still think in that mindset, that’s how the system works, so it’s very hard to break down those barriers when everything is set up to actually function in that way.”
The supervisor of the Turas Irish-language challenge in east Belfast and the president of the world’s GAA membership, Ervine – who’s from a Protestant background – has suffered sectarian threats and intimidation, and final 12 months the world’s first Irish-language preschool was compelled to relocate as a result of an “ongoing social-media hate campaign”.
“It is fear,” she says. “Fear, scaremongering, lack of knowledge of how you would do it differently, lack of choice, I suppose, to do it differently.
“It can be very hard some days, because you’re putting your head above the parapet, it’s that simple.
“Sometimes you feel like you have a minority voice but your voice is not as much of a minority as you feel, it’s just other people are scared to voice it.”
“Every day in society I see it, I hear it. It’s almost endemic across society,” says Peter Sheridan, chair of peacebuilding charity Co-operation Ireland. “I’m not saying things haven’t improved but it’s still there, and it’s there in everyday life and in particular [for] people in the comfort of their own communities, it’s much easier to be sectarian.
“To some extent, I think we settled for peace but I don’t think we ever did the reconciliation, and that goes right from the top down, from politicians down… That divided nature of politics feeds back into society.”
“The whole peace process is, at least in part, an anti-sectarian project, of course it is, but we haven’t really had the urgency we needed on it,” says Morrow.
“Twenty-five years after the Good Friday Agreement, we still don’t actually have any sustained model of increasing the level of sharing of our young people in our schools and education.
Peace walls
“The commitment to have peace walls removed by 2023, I’m not sure that is even on anybody’s agenda any more, I’m not sure it exists as an issue.”
Though some progress has been made, greater than 100 so-called “peace walls” – boundaries which separate Protestant and Catholic communities – stay in Northern Ireland. According to International Fund for Ireland (IFI) analysis, attitudes in the direction of them are altering however assist for his or her elimination stays low, with solely 19 per cent in its 2019 survey in favour of eradicating boundaries “now”.
“Once something comes up like that video, there’s almost this paranoia of ‘Let’s get out there and tackle this sectarianism that’s rampant,’ and that isn’t always how it’s perceived in those communities or how the real world is,” says Rab McCallum, the challenge co-ordinator with the North Belfast Interface Network, the lead company for the IFI’s peace partitions programme within the Twadell/Ardoyne/Shankill areas.
He emphasises that you will need to “understand what the reality of life on the ground is rather than people from different classes or who don’t live in those sort of environments … When people feel under threat, they feel under threat.”
With their teams, he says, “we look at what is sectarianism, what is non-sectarianism, what is anti-sectarianism, and we get people to talk about their experiences and try to see how they deal with it or how they contribute to it”.
“We have had quite significant success in doing that and trying to move people from saying ‘I’m not sectarian’ to being anti-sectarian in terms of the things, to challenge negativities or false perceptions that are out there.
“I think we’re now in a place where people aren’t acting it out in the way they did in the past. That’s not to say people don’t still hold some prejudices, but the acting on it part has been significantly reduced in the areas that we work in.”
But, he emphasises, “you can’t just wish it away … nothing will be resolved by us just smiling at each other if we don’t rectify the problems that have created the discourse in the first place.
‘Something real’
“This notion that sectarianism is about Catholic and Protestant, we are dealing with the issue of two separate identities and this is all revolving around us at the minute.
“This notion of do you want to remain within the UK or be part of a united Ireland, we’re not talking about interpretations of scripture here, this is actually something real and people have concerns and fears.”
“There’s no doubt Brexit, the protocol, has served to polarise society and split people up into their community groups or homogenous groups again,” says Sheridan.
Almost 25 years on from the Belfast Agreement, says Morrow, Northern Ireland is caught between a multiplicity of things and dynamics; amongst all of it stays the issue of how to ensure the “peace dividend … reaches down into communities where actually the alienation has a lot to do with economics and education and very basic issues like that”.
Yet there has additionally been change, not least among the many “Good Friday” era of younger individuals. Though he’s cautious to not overstate it – “the people singing that song about Michaela McAreavey weren’t 70 or 60, they were youngish people” – McCallum additionally factors out: “We don’t have that same issue of young people out rioting as we did in the past. Young people have told us, ‘They’re not our peace walls, yous done this, we have to live with the consequences.’”
Ervine, too, describes “a rise in people who are defining themselves as others and who don’t want to be defined by their background or what somebody else perceives their background to be.
“I think there’s space for those people, and I would include myself among them. That space is opening up, but it’s still a difficult space to inhabit.”
How, then, to construct on this alteration? Strong laws is the place to begin, says Sheridan: “Things can change culturally once legislation is enforced and we as a society start to behave differently and it’s not okay to have [sectarianism] in the room just because you’re with your own group.
‘Zero tolerance’
“Zero tolerance,” says Ervine, and “do not accept it from our political leadership”.
For Morrow, “whether you politically invest in it is the big question”; he posits whether or not an impartial, civic house “may be necessary to allow politicians to move”, in addition to a joint strategy from the British and Irish governments.
The “potentially significant change”, he says, is the cross-community Alliance Party’s current electoral success, and what that might imply. “Maybe this is not a 50-50 society, but a 40-40-20 society?
“Are they just a middle-class group of people who reject this, or is this a sign of something that’s changing underneath, that young people no longer want this issue to dominate?”
In the years forward, that is one query that shall be answered. Among the brand new Alliance MLAs elected final month was 23-year-old Eoin Tennyson, a former pupil of Michaela McAreavey at St Patrick’s Academy in Dungannon.
“She radiated passion for the Irish language and for religion and approached everything in such an inclusive and caring way. She was a role model,” he says.
“When I contrast that young woman who was beautiful inside and out with those vile, abhorrent comments in that video, I find it unbelievable, to be honest.
“So it shows there is still a long way to go, but I do think we have made progress. There are more people now from mixed and multiple backgrounds, and people have more exposure to different communities. Slowly we are starting to break down barriers.”
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